The Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) has emerged as a sub-regional template for cooperative security in the Indian Ocean. Discuss. How can India shape the CSC to strengthen the regional security architecture? (10M, 150 Words)

Originally established in 2011 as a trilateral maritime dialogue between India–Sri Lanka–Maldives, the CSC stagnated after 2014 due to political transitions. It was revived in 2020, reflecting renewed urgency to address non-traditional threats such as maritime crime, trafficking, terrorism, and cyber insecurity. Expansion of membership to Mauritius (2022), Bangladesh (2024), and Seychelles (2025) has further transformed CSC into a six-member security grouping anchored in the western and central Indian Ocean.

Significance for Indian ocean region:
  • Alignment with SAGAR Doctrine: CSC reinforces India’s vision of Security and Growth for All in the Region through capacity-building, hydrographic cooperation, and coordinated maritime domain awareness (MDA).
  • Collective Response to Non-Traditional Threats: IUU fishing, narcotics trafficking, and maritime terrorism increasingly threaten Blue Economy revenues which are critical for small island states where tourism accounts for more than 25% of GDP.
  • Counterbalance to Extra-Regional Actors: CSC provides a regional, India-led alternative as China expands its footprint through dual-use ports (Hambantota, Gwadar) and its IOR Forum.
  • Enhanced Operational Cooperation: CSC Joint Exercises on HADR, cyber, and counter-trafficking have improved interoperability among maritime agencies.

India’s role in shaping the CSC:

  • Deepening Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA): India can leverage its advanced platforms such as IFC-IOR, coastal radar chains in Maldives, Mauritius and Seychelles, and White Shipping Agreements to build a shared real-time maritime picture for CSC members.
  • Expanding Capacity Building: India can institutionalise joint training, trilateral naval/Coast Guard exercises, and technical assistance for smaller island states with limited assets. For Example, India has already gifted INS Tarmugli to Maldives and patrol vessels to Mauritius and Seychelles.
·        Anchoring CSC as a Development–Security Partnership: Given CSC states’ dependence on Blue Economy sectors, India can promote HADR cooperation, climate-resilient coastal infrastructure, and sustainable ocean governance. For Example, India’s rapid response in the 2020 Mauritius oil spill and repeated disaster assistance.
·        Balancing Geopolitics: India must maintain CSC cohesion by emphasising non-traditional security where consensus is stronger, while subtly addressing concerns arising from Chinese dual-use maritime facilities such as Hambantota, and Gwadar.
·        Institutionalising CSC for Long-Term Stability: India can drive creation of a stronger institutional architecture such as permanent secretariat (Colombo), annual working groups, standard operating procedures, and common threat assessments.
Conclusion:
As geopolitical contestation deepens in the Indian Ocean, the CSC stands out as a region-led, consensus-driven model of cooperative security. Strengthening CSC is thus essential not only for India’s SAGAR vision but also for ensuring collective security and sustainable prosperity in the wider Indo-Pacific.
 ‘+1’ Value Addition:
  • 40% of global trade passes through the Indian Ocean.
  • CSC’s CyLON exercises have become the region’s primary cyber security drills.
  • Maldives and Sri Lanka sit near critical SLOCs such as the Eight Degree Channel and the East–West shipping route.
  • India conducted 500+ HADR operations in the IOR over the last decade, positioning itself as a credible “first responder”.

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