Critically analyze India’s approach towards Afghanistan post-2021 Taliban takeover. How can India balance its security and connectivity needs with the obligation of being a responsible power? (15M, 250 words)

Afghanistan is strategically central to India’s West-Asia–Central-Asia outreach, energy access and counter-terrorism imperatives. After the Taliban takeover in August 2021, New Delhi adopted a pragmatic, people-centric engagement, providing humanitarian aid, limited diplomatic contacts and regional dialogue while not extending formal recognition.

India’s post-2021 approach

  • Humanitarian diplomacy: India has supplied significant food and medical assistance (tens of thousands of tonnes of wheat through Chabahar and other routes; vaccine consignments including 500,000 COVID vaccine doses; medical aid).
  • Maintaining presence: Reopening a technical mission in Kabul (June 2022) to oversee assistance signalled continuity of engagement.
  • Protecting projects & soft power: India’s earlier investments amounts to US$3 billion in 500+ projects across projects such as Salma/Indo-Afghan Dam, Afghan Parliament, Zaranj–Delaram highway. India also offered scholarships and training to 1,000+ scholarships with thousands trained under ITEC.
  • Multilateral/ regional engagement: India uses formats such as the Moscow Format, SCO contact group and UN channels to coordinate policies toward Afghanistan.
  • Security vigilance: India has emphasised intelligence cooperation and monitoring to counter threats from groups such as LeT, JeM and ISKP.

Limitations of India’s approach:

  • Terrorist sanctuaries: UN and UNODC findings point to presence of anti-India groups and Afghanistan remains the source of 80% of global opium which raises internal security and terror funding concerns.
  • Limited leverage: Many Indian projects lie stalled; without state recognition India has limited leverage to restart large development works or protect investments.
  • Geopolitical inroads by rivals: China and Pakistan are deepening economic and political ties with the Taliban (mineral deals, influence), narrowing India’s strategic space.
  • Moral dilemma: Engagement risks being seen as pragmatic legitimisation of an undemocratic regime, particularly over rights of women and minorities.
Balancing security & connectivity needs with being a responsible power:

Pragmatic conditionality:

  • Maintain humanitarian aid, technical assistance and scholarships while refusing formal recognition until clear progress on counter-terrorism and human rights is visible.
  • Use aid as leverage to secure commitments on terror non-proliferation and women’s access to education.

Prioritising security:

  • Strengthen intelligence sharing with Iran, Russia, Central Asian states and friendly Afghan actors; deepen cooperation in SCO, Moscow Format and UN on counter-terrorism.
  • Enhance border surveillance, CBMs and anti-narcotics collaboration with UNODC and regional partners to choke illicit finance flows.

Advance alternative options

  • Fast-track Chabahar–Zaranj operationalisation and ensure Zaranj-Delaram highway maintenance to connect India to Afghanistan/Central Asia bypassing Pakistan.
  • Use air corridors, Dubai-based trade hubs and maritime logistics to restart limited legal trade (dry fruits, saffron, pharma) under transparent, sanction-compliant mechanisms.
  • Promote private-sector, diaspora and multilateral investments with strong due-diligence and BIT safeguards.

Leverage multilateral platforms: Work through UN, WTO, SCO, Heart of Asia to build consensus on counterterrorism, humanitarian access and reconstruction financing conditions. This distributes political risk and builds legitimacy.

Contingency planning: Maintain contingency evacuation & security protocols for Indian nationals.

Conclusion: To reconcile security and connectivity imperatives with responsibilities as a regional power, New Delhi must pursue calibrated engagement: combine targeted humanitarian and development assistance with robust counter-terror cooperation, diversified connectivity through Chabahar and air corridors, multilateral burden-sharing, and principled advocacy for inclusion and rights.
+1 Value Addition
Ø  India’s development spend (post-2001) constitutes US$3 billion across 500+ projects.
Ø  India supplied 50,000 tonnes of wheat plus medical consignments via Chabahar and other routes.
  • 15,000 Afghan students study/ trained in India over pre-/post-2021 cohorts.
  • Afghanistan supplies 80% of global opium, a major driver of cross-border drug trafficking into India.

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